作者简介

Mancur Lloyd Olson, Jr. (pronounced /ˈmæŋsɜr/; January 22, 1932–February 19, 1998) was a leading American economist and social scientist who, at the time of his death, worked at the University of Maryland, College Park. Among other areas, he made contributions to institutional economics on the role of private property, taxation, public goods, collective action and contract rights in economic development. Olson focused on the logical basis of interest group membership and participation. The reigning political theories of his day granted groups an almost primordial status. Some appealed to a natural human instinct for herding, others ascribed the formation of groups that are rooted in kinship to the process of modernization. Olson offered a radically different account of the logical basis of organized collective action.
In his first book, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, he theorized that “only a separate and ‘selective’ incentive will stimulate a rational individual in a latent group to act in a group-oriented way”; that is, only a benefit reserved strictly for group members will motivate one to join and contribute to the group. This means that individuals will act collectively to provide private goods, but not to provide public goods.
In 1982, he expanded the scope of his earlier work in an attempt to explain The Rise and Decline of Nations. The idea is that small distributional coalitions tend to form over time in countries. Groups like cotton-farmers, steel-producers, and labor unions will have the incentives to form lobby groups and influence policies in their favor. These policies will tend to be protectionist and anti-technology, and will therefore hurt economic growth; but since the benefits of these policies are selective incentives concentrated amongst the few coalitions members, while the costs are diffused throughout the whole population, the "Logic" dictates that there will be little public resistance to them. Hence as time goes on, and these distributional coalitions accumulate in greater and greater numbers, the nation burdened by them will fall into economic decline. Olson's idea is cited as an influence behind the Calmfors-Driffill hypothesis of collective bargaining.
In his final book, Power and Prosperity, Olson distinguished between the economic effects of different types of government, in particular, tyranny, anarchy and democracy. Olson argued that a "roving bandit" (under anarchy) has an incentive only to steal and destroy, whilst a "stationary bandit" (a tyrant) has an incentive to encourage a degree of economic success, since he will expect to be in power long enough to take a share of it. The stationary bandit thereby takes on the primordial function of government - protection of his citizens and property against roving bandits. Olson saw in the move from roving bandits to stationary bandits the seeds of civilization, paving the way for democracy, which improves incentives for good government by more closely aligning it with the wishes of the population

内容简介

The years since World War II have seen rapid shifts in the relative positions of different countries and regions. Leading political economist Mancur Olson offers a new and compelling theory to explain these shifts in fortune and then tests his theory against evidence from many periods of history and many parts of the world.

“[T]his elegant, readable book. . . sets out to explain why economies succumb to the ‘British disease,’ the kind of stagnation and demoralization that is now sweeping Europe and North America. . . . A convincing book that could make a big difference in the way we think about modern economic problems.”—Peter Passell, The New York Times Book Review

“Schumpeter and Keynes would have hailed the insights Olson gives into the sicknesses of the modern mixed economy.”—Paul A. Samuelson, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

“One of the really important books in social science of the past half-century.”—Scott Gordon, The Canadian Journal of Economics

“The thesis of this brilliant book is that the longer a society enjoys political stability, the more likely it is to develop powerful special-interest lobbies that in turn make it less efficient economically.”—Charles Peters, The Washington Monthly

“Remarkable. The fundamental ideas are simple, yet they provide insight into a wide array of social and historical issues. . . . The Rise and Decline of Nations promises to be a subject of productive interdisciplinary argument for years to come.”—Robert O. Keohane, Journal of Economic Literature

“I urgently recommend it to all economists and to a great many non-economists.”—Gordon Tullock, Public Choice

“Olson’s theory is illuminating and there is no doubt that The Rise and Decline of Nations will exert much influence on ideas and politics for many decades to come.”—Pierre Lemieux, Reason

Co-winner of the 1983 American Political Science Association’s Gladys M. Kammerer Award for the best book on U.S. national policy


Mancur Lloyd Olson, Jr. (pronounced /ˈmæŋsɜr/; January 22, 1932–February 19, 1998) was a leading American economist and social scientist who, at the time of his death, worked at the University of Maryland, College Park. Among other areas, he made contributions to institutional economics on the role of private property, taxation, public goods, collective action and contract righ...

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豆瓣评论

  • 功夫熊猫小碗熊
    奥氏自己运用集体行动理论分析政治经济问题的著作。自信完美解释英国从增长走向停滞、美国南北经济发展速度差异、战后西方各主要资本主义经济体的经济增长和停滞,对其他地区情况则由于资料不足而着墨不多。民主政治、固定疆界和繁复法律有时候是福祸相依;战争和动乱若能消灭分利集团根基,事后在稳定政权下反能创造高速增长,似符合中国。后人多称颂其分利集团从事集体行动以游说保护特殊利益之精美论述,但奥氏野心其实更大:他试图以此论为基础介入当代宏观经济学中凯恩斯与货币主义/理性预期均衡理论的大辩论,力陈分利集团集体行动其实是导致凯恩斯未解释的工资/价格粘性的来源,甚至由于分利集团在政府不行政干预的情况下仍然存在,亦足以使货币主义者构建理论时的经济出清、无政府干预、自动均衡等假设无效。最后期盼相当激烈:消灭利益集团!01-16
  • 秋江暝泊
    一本很好的利益集团研究著作,以及学术通俗读物。Olson对distributional coalition以及encompassing organization的区分,集体行动的逻辑,是有其微观基础的。框架很干净很经济学。——集体行动的逻辑是,基于理性人假设,同质性高的、能够获得更多资源的群体更容易组织起来要求利益,而数量庞大、利益诉求高度分化的工人、消费者、弱势群体从来就是很难组织起来的。从来没有国家能够形成“全对称”的利益群体,永远是少数分利者占据上风,更不用说争夺社会资源所带来的消耗。启发是,即使中国容许了结社自由和利益集团,真能够像一些人所想象的,保护弱者权益吗?03-13
  • 王亚军
    3星。特殊利益集团由于其规模小的缘故,更容易克服集体行动,而又由于它们在经济中占比如此的小,所以他们更乐于分蛋糕而不是把蛋糕做大,他们的这种倾向让它们不愿意接受新的技术,也让经济调整更加缓慢。在平静岁月里这种特殊利益集团开始聚集,而这也是为什么经济稳定期内,经济开始变差。虽然奥尔森的逻辑还算清楚,但是很多问题没有解释明白:比如为什么稳定的事情更容易形成利益集团?亨廷顿就提出变化社会更容易产出利益集团。我也不是很认同为什么利益集团的决策会比个人更慢:集团组织领导的作用以及信息收集的能力被忽视了。01-20
  • 嘿哈嘿哈
    本书尝试论证一点:随着西方社会进入和平稳定发展的阶段,拥有共同利益倾向的个体、团体会逐渐聚集,并形成社会影响力。这些广泛分布的特殊利益集体(例如工会)会降低社会的生产效率,而目前西方的两党制政治体制不足以解决这些社会利益团体所带来的问题。事实上,作者仅说对了一半。详见书评。10-21
  • Diary
    少见的,及其优雅缜密的语言,仿佛每个句式都可以移花接木到人类的论文里。09-03

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